Issue dossier

U.S. Immigration & Enforcement

Two questions sit under most of the argument: Is the current unauthorized immigrant population a net problem or a net benefit for the United States? And what happens to communities when interior enforcement intensifies?

First research pass · Updated July 2026 · Sources linked throughout

1. Scale & trends

Before debating benefits or harms, it helps to fix the scale. The unauthorized immigrant population is large, recently at a record high, and composed of people with very different statuses—from long-settled visa overstays to recent parolees and asylum seekers whose protections can change quickly.

14M
Unauthorized immigrants in the U.S., July 2023 (Pew)
+3.5M
Growth from 2021 to 2023—the largest two-year rise in Pew’s series
4.1%
Share of the total U.S. population in 2023 (up from 3.1% in 2021)

Estimated unauthorized immigrant population in the U.S.

Previous peak: 12.2 million in 2007. 2022 revised to 11.8 million.

Source: Pew Research Center (Aug 2025). Selected years from Pew’s residual estimates (July reference dates). 2022 revised to 11.8M after Census Bureau migration updates. 2024–2025 full estimates not yet published; Pew reports likely continued growth into 2024 and a probable decline in 2025. View report

Southwest border encounters (illegal crossings proxy)

Fiscal years 1990–2023 · Southwest border · same span as population chart

Source: Pew analysis of CBP / Border Patrol data (Feb 2026). Fiscal years. Official Border Patrol metric used as the standard proxy for illegal crossings between ports of entry. Counts are events, not unique people; some individuals are counted more than once. Beginning FY2020, totals combine apprehensions and Title 42 expulsions as “encounters.” Does not include gotaways (people who crossed without being stopped). View analysis

What the scale numbers clarify

The 2021–2023 surge was not “business as usual.” It was the largest two-year increase in more than thirty years of Pew estimates—and a large share of that growth was among people with temporary protections (asylum, parole, TPS, DACA), not only people who crossed with no contact with authorities.

Pew estimates that about 6 million unauthorized immigrants had some protection from deportation in 2023, up from2.7 million in 2021. In 2007, at the previous peak, only about 500,000 had such protections. That distinction matters: many recent arrivals were admitted or released under federal policy, then later faced policy reversals.

Border encounters: surge, then collapse

Southwest Border Patrol encounters hit historic highs in FY2021–FY2024, then fell sharply in FY2025—to the lowest annual level since 1970. Encounter totals are not the same as “new permanent residents”; they count events, include repeat crossers, and mix people expelled, detained, released, or paroled. (See the encounters chart above for the longer trend through 2023.)

Reading A — “Crisis of control”

  • Multi-year encounter totals above 1.5–2.2 million per year strained shelters, city budgets, and asylum backlogs.
  • Gotaways and releases into the interior expanded the unauthorized stock beyond those formally admitted.
  • Record population (14M) and rapid growth imply policy failure if the goal is limiting unlawful presence.

Reading B — “Managed inflows, then reversal”

  • A large share of 2021–2023 growth involved people with temporary legal footholds (parole, asylum claims)—not only undetected entry.
  • FY2025 encounters (237,538) show inflows can fall dramatically when enforcement and asylum rules tighten.
  • Stock and flow are different: cutting new arrivals does not instantly shrink a 14M resident population.

2. Fiscal & labor effects

This is where honest disagreement is sharpest—because “cost” depends on which level of government you measure, which people you include (adults vs. U.S.-born children), and whether you count only the unauthorized or a broader “surge” that includes temporary statuses.

Federal ledger (CBO)

The Congressional Budget Office estimated that the 2021–2026 immigration surge would lower federal deficits by about $0.9 trillion over 2024–2034—mainly because added workers raise revenues (+$1.2T) more than they raise federal outlays (+$0.3T). CBO also projected the surge would boost GDP by roughly$8.9 trillion over that window.

Net-benefit framing

  • CBO: federal revenues rise faster than mandatory spending and interest costs from the surge.
  • Many recent surge migrants received work authorization (parole, asylum pending, TPS), so payroll/income taxes are more likely “on the books.”
  • Labor-force growth supports GDP; CBO notes complementarity that can raise demand for more-educated native workers.

Net-cost framing

  • FAIR (2023) estimates a $150.7 billion annual net fiscal burden of illegal immigration—largely at state and local levels (education, emergency care, justice).
  • CBO itself notes state/local fiscal effects are a different story; AEI summarizing CBO finds state/local costs exceeded related tax revenues in 2023.
  • Local shelter/housing spikes in sanctuary and destination cities are real budget line items even when the federal ledger looks better.

A careful reader will notice these estimates often answerdifferent questions. CBO’s surge analysis is federal and decade-long, including people with temporary work rights. FAIR’s estimate is annual, includes U.S.-born children of unauthorized parents, and attributes a wide set of education and service costs. Comparing the headline numbers without that scope difference produces confusion, not clarity.

3. Crime & public safety

Two measurements matter, and they answer different questions.Rates ask whether unauthorized immigrants are more crime-prone than others. Counts ask how many victims are harmed—the number societies try to drive toward zero. High-profile murders sit inside those counts; they are not the whole statistical picture, and the statistics do not erase the victims.

Absolute counts: Texas homicide convictions

Texas is the only state that systematically records immigration status alongside criminal convictions. Over 2013–2022, Cato’s analysis of Texas DPS data finds 472 homicide convictions of illegal immigrants—about 47 per year on average—alongside 7,109 by native-born Americans and 336 by legal immigrants. In 2022 alone, illegal immigrants accounted for 67 of 1,336 homicide convictions (~5%), while making up about 7% of the state population.

472
Illegal-immigrant homicide convictions in Texas, 2013–2022
67
Illegal-immigrant homicide convictions in Texas in 2022
13,099
Noncitizens with homicide convictions on ICE’s non-detained docket (July 2024)

Texas homicide convictions by immigration status, 2013–2022

Decade totals (absolute convictions)

Source: Cato Institute analysis of Texas DPS data (2024). Absolute counts over the decade. Texas is the only state that systematically records immigration status for criminal convictions at this level. Year-to-year totals swung with pandemic court closures (sharp drop in 2020–2021, catch-up in 2022). The Center for Immigration Studies argues delayed status identification can undercount illegal-immigrant serious-crime convictions in recent years. View analysis

Texas homicide convictions in 2022

Most recent full year in the Cato series — includes some “catch-up” prosecutions delayed by pandemic court closures

Source: Cato Institute analysis of Texas DPS data (2024). Illegal immigrants: 67; legal immigrants: 60; native-born: 1,209.

Rates: are unauthorized immigrants more homicide-prone?

On a per-capita basis over 2013–2022, the same Texas series shows illegal immigrants with a homicide conviction rate of2.2 per 100,000, below native-born Americans at3.0 and above legal immigrants at1.2. Peer-reviewed Texas arrest data (PNAS, 2020) similarly find lower felony arrest rates for undocumented immigrants than for natives across violent, property, and drug offenses.

Texas homicide conviction rates, 2013–2022

Convictions per 100,000 population

Source: Cato Institute analysis of Texas DPS data (2024). Texas is the only state that systematically records immigration status for criminal justice data at this level of detail. National generalization requires caution. View analysis

National trend: violent offenses among ICE ERO arrestees

There is no clean national time series of “crimes committed by unauthorized immigrants each year.” What ICE publishes is different but useful: among noncitizens ICE ERO arrested, how many homicide-related and assault charges/convictions appear in their records. That series rose sharply for assault from FY2021 to FY2024, and homicide-related counts jumped in FY2024—driven in part by who ICE chose to arrest, not only by changes in offending.

Criminal offenses linked to noncitizens arrested by ICE ERO

Charges and/or convictions associated with ERO arrestees

Source: ICE Annual Reports, FY2021–FY2024. These are charges and/or convictions associated with noncitizens ICE ERO arrested in that fiscal year—not a census of all crimes committed by unauthorized immigrants that year. Counts can rise because enforcement priorities change, not only because offending rose. Categories are ICE’s reported offense groupings. ICE Annual Report FY2021 · ICE Annual Report FY2022 · ICE Annual Report FY2023 · ICE Annual Report FY2024

If the claim is “immigrants drive crime”

  • Texas felony arrest rates for undocumented immigrants were substantially below native-born rates (PNAS).
  • Illegal-immigrant homicide conviction rates were ~26% below native-born rates in the Cato 2013–2022 series.
  • In 2022 Texas, illegal immigrants were underrepresented among homicide convicts relative to their share of the population.

What that does not erase

  • Absolute counts still matter to victims: hundreds of Texas homicide convictions of illegal immigrants over a decade; ICE reported 13,099 noncitizens with homicide convictions on its non-detained docket in mid-2024.
  • CIS argues delayed immigration-status identification in Texas prisons can understate illegal-immigrant rates for homicide and sexual assault in recent years.
  • ICE’s rising assault/homicide counts among arrestees show a large pool of serious prior offenses among people ICE encounters—even if that is not a population crime rate.

Case records (kept on separate views)

Individual stories belong in their own archives so this page stays a statistical dossier. Two collections sit one click away: severe crimes by unauthorized immigrants, and people killed or seriously injured during ICE/CBP enforcement.

Or start from thecase records hub.

4. Enforcement & ICE under intensified interior policy

Border encounters collapsed in FY2025. Interior enforcement moved in the opposite direction. The Deportation Data Project’s analysis of ICE records through early 2026 describes a sharp shift toward arrests and deportations inside the United States—not just at the border.

~5×
Interior deportations after ICE arrest vs. late-2024 baseline (peak comparison)
~11×
Rise in ICE “street” arrests (communities, courts, check-ins)
~8×+
Increase in arrests of people without criminal convictions

What changed in practice

For two decades, most ICE interior arrests were transfers from jails and prisons. In 2025, transfers roughly doubled—and street arrests rose by an order of magnitude. Detention capacity for interior arrestees expanded sharply; releases before a final decision became rare. Voluntary departures/returns rose dramatically as detention outcomes hardened.

Force used against people during enforcement

Separate from deportation counts: who was killed or seriously injured when officers fired—or when raids turned deadly. Official accounts and contested evidence are paired in each record.

Open force archive

Case for intensified enforcement

  • Unlawful presence is a violation of immigration law; enforcement is how a sovereign border and visa system remain meaningful.
  • Record unauthorized population followed years of high releases and parole; reversing that trajectory requires interior action, not only border stops.
  • Prioritizing only serious criminals leaves most of the unauthorized stock untouched if the policy goal is removal.

Case for community harm / due-process concern

  • Arrests of people without criminal convictions rose sharply; collateral effects hit mixed-status families and workplaces.
  • Courthouse and check-in arrests, plus bond restrictions for entrants without inspection, triggered widespread habeas litigation—and many district-court releases.
  • Civil-rights groups and journalists document neighborhood operations, masking, and sensitive-location enforcement that chill reporting of crime and school/clinic attendance.

Two facts can be true at once: interior deportations rose to a degree that matches a deliberate crackdown—and legal challenges exploded because detention and bond practices changed faster than settled appellate precedent. Readers weighing “danger from ICE” should separate lawful enforcement of removal fromspecific tactics and error rates (wrongful detention claims, U.S. citizens/LPRs caught in sweeps, courthouse arrests). Those are different questions with different evidence.

5. Open questions & contested measures

  • Stock after 2023: Pew says the unauthorized population likely grew into 2024 and began falling in 2025, but a full ACS-based estimate is not yet available.
  • Federal vs. local fiscal net: How should voters weigh a better federal ledger against concentrated city/state costs?
  • Crime rates vs. crime counts: Which metric should drive policy—relative risk or absolute victim harm? How should high-profile case studies weight against per-capita rates?
  • Texas status identification lag: CIS argues delayed identification inflates the “unknown” pool and understates illegal-immigrant serious-crime rates—how large is that bias after enough years of follow-up?
  • Enforcement tradeoffs: What mix of criminal-priority removals vs. broad interior enforcement maximizes compliance without eroding due process or community trust?
  • Status complexity: How should parolees, asylum seekers, TPS holders, and visa overstays be discussed when public debate flattens them into one label?

A note on reading this dossier

Where the measurements are clear—population scale, encounter collapse, Texas relative crime rates, the direction of interior enforcement—the record is hard to wish away. Where definitions diverge—especially fiscal “net cost”—the disagreement is often about the question asked, not a missing spreadsheet. Trace both.

Sources

  1. Passel, J. S., & Krogstad, J. M. (2025).U.S. unauthorized immigrant population reached a record 14 million in 2023. Pew Research Center.Link
  2. Pew Research Center (2026).Migrant encounters at the U.S.-Mexico border are at their lowest level in more than 50 years (CBP/Border Patrol data).Link
  3. Congressional Budget Office (2024).Effects of the Immigration Surge on the Federal Budget and the Economy.Link
  4. Federation for American Immigration Reform (2023).The Fiscal Burden of Illegal Immigration on United States Taxpayers.Link
  5. Orrenius, P., & Zavodny, M. (2025).The Fiscal Impact of Immigration: An Update. AEI.Link
  6. Light, M. T., He, J., & Robey, J. P. (2020). Comparing crime rates between undocumented immigrants, legal immigrants, and native-born US citizens in Texas.PNAS.Link
  7. Nowrasteh, A. (2024).Illegal Immigrant Murderers in Texas, 2013–2022. Cato Institute.Link
  8. Kennedy, S., Richwine, J., & Camarota, S. A. (2022).Misuse of Texas Data Understates Illegal Immigrant Criminality. Center for Immigration Studies.Link
  9. U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement. Annual Reports FY2021–FY2024 (ERO criminal charge/conviction tallies among arrestees).FY2024,FY2023,FY2022.
  10. NBC News (2024), reporting ICE data provided to Congress: 13,099 noncitizens with homicide convictions on the non-detained docket (as of July 21, 2024).Link
  11. Severe crime case studies (AP, Reuters, local court reporting):crime archive.
  12. ICE/CBP shootings and serious injuries roundup:NBC News list; curated records in theforce archive.
  13. Blair, G., & Hausman, D. (2026).One Year of Immigration Enforcement Under the Second Trump Administration. Deportation Data Project (ICE FOIA data).Link
  14. CNN Politics (2025). Coverage of litigation over ICE courthouse arrests.Link